Is There a Feminist Method Applied to Transportation Planning?: Revealing Women's Invisibility in Urban Mobility.

This critical analysis delves into Sandra Harding's article "Is there a feminist method?" to address the incorporation of gender perspectives in mobility studies and transportation planning. The central thesis posits that women's mobility experiences are often overlooked, leading to inadequate policies that fail to address their specific needs. By examining the intersection of gender and mobility and Harding's postulates, this article aims to reflect on the gender inequalities perpetuated by current transportation systems and advocate for a more inclusive approach to urban planning, one that includes women's experiences and voices not only as passengers, users, and cyclists, but also as urban mobility planners.

Sandra Harding's exploration of feminist methodologies invites a critical reflection on the absence of gender perspectives in traditional social science research. Building upon Harding's ideas, this critical reflection seeks to apply a feminist epistemological lens to the study of mobility, highlighting women's overlooked experiences in transportation planning and challenging dominant narratives that prioritize male experiences, towards a more inclusive and gender-sensitive approach.

Harding's discussion on the limitations of traditional research methodologies resonates in the field of urban mobility studies, where women's experiences are often marginalized or ignored, and their active participation as planners is also limited due to the transportation sector being highly male-dominated. As Harding points out, "women have always resisted male domination" (p. 5), yet their voices remain largely absent in discussions on transportation planning.

This "androcentric" view of transportation planning has disregarded the characterization of travel patterns related to women's trips: multi-stop, commuting, difficult to quantify, and related to caregiving responsibilities. In 2009, Spanish urbanist Inés Sánchez de Madariaga recognized these travel patterns under the concept of "Care Mobility," which encompasses all trips made to attend caregiving responsibilities and sustain life (Sánchez de Madariaga, 2020). These "androcentric standards" (Harding, p. 4) have reinforced that only this androcentric view, until very recently, has been the backbone of urban mobility planning.

Furthermore, women's invisibility in urban mobility planning reflects a broader pattern of gender inequalities perpetuated by urban infrastructures designed without considering women's diverse needs and experiences (Harding, p.7), often associated with caregiving responsibilities.

Moreover, Harding's critique of traditional methodologies highlights the importance of recognizing the intersectionality of gender with other social categories (class, race, culture) in mobility studies. As Harding argues, "feminist researchers have argued that traditional theories have been applied in ways that hinder the understanding of women's participation in social life" (p. 8). By acknowledging the complex interaction of gender, race, class, and other identities in shaping mobility experiences, planners can develop more comprehensive and inclusive approaches to transportation planning and avoid deepening gender inequalities in urban space and transportation.

Gender, intersectionality, and mobility underscore the need for a paradigm shift in transportation planning. Public policies, oriented towards the dominant subject, males, fail to address the specific challenges women face in their daily mobility. As Harding argues, "those who do not actively fight against the exploitation of women in everyday life are unlikely to produce social science research that is not distorted by sexism" (p. 12). By neglecting the gender dimensions of mobility, current policies contribute to reproducing inequalities that disproportionately affect women and those who are their caregivers.

Additionally, Harding's emphasis on the need for feminist-inspired challenges to traditional social research resonates with the call for transformative change in mobility policies. As Harding points out, "the extraordinary explanatory power of feminist research findings in social sciences results from feminist challenges to the grand theories and background assumptions of traditional social research" (p. 3). By challenging existing power structures and advocating for gender-sensitive policies, transportation planners contribute to dismantling systemic inequalities inherent in gendered transportation systems.

To continue the reflection and in relation to the incorporation of women's voices/experiences in mobility studies, to address such invisibility, it is essential to incorporate their voices and experiences in transportation studies at all stages: from pre-feasibility, design, and implementation of projects. By centering women's narratives on mobility, planners can gain valuable insights into the unique challenges and barriers women face in accessing transportation networks. As Harding suggests, feminist research should challenge the grand theories and assumptions of traditional social research to produce more inclusive and nuanced analyses (p. 12).

Why apply feminist epistemologies in transportation planning?

In her exploration of feminist methodologies, Harding emphasizes the need for feminist epistemologies to challenge traditional research paradigms and promote more inclusive knowledge production. She also argues that feminist epistemologies are necessary to reveal the biases and assumptions inherent in existing research frameworks. As she asserts, "the vision available to the oppressed group must be fought for and represents an achievement that requires both sciences to see beneath the surface of the social relations in which all are forced to participate" (p. 12). By centering marginalized voices and perspectives, feminist epistemologies disrupt the status quo and offer alternative ways of understanding social phenomena, including characterizing travel patterns and urban planning.

Furthermore, Harding's central idea applied to mobility planning underscores the importance of incorporating feminist epistemologies to address gender inequalities inherent in transportation systems. By using a feminist lens to develop urban mobility studies and analysis, engineers and other professionals can uncover hidden power dynamics and structural barriers that shape women's diverse urban mobility experiences. Harding's call to challenge existing power structures and underlying assumptions aligns with the need to reassess traditional approaches to transportation planning. As she points out, "the issue here is not so much the right to claim a label but the prerequisites for producing less biased and distorted descriptions, explanations, and understandings" (p. 12). It is through feminist epistemologies that deeper insights can be developed, prioritizing gender equity and social justice in urban planning initiatives.

In conclusion, Sandra Harding's reflections on feminist methodologies provide a compelling framework for reassessing the gender dimensions of mobility. By acknowledging women's invisibility in transportation planning and advocating for a more inclusive approach, those who plan and design transportation systems can contribute to the development of policies that address women's diverse needs in public spaces and transportation. By integrating feminist perspectives into mobility studies and challenging traditional methodologies, we contribute to creating more accessible and gender-sensitive transportation systems. Looking ahead, there is a clear obligation to prioritize gender perspectives in mobility studies to create more inclusive, equitable transportation systems and achieve real social change in how people move. Harding's work serves as a reminder of the transformative potential of feminist epistemologies to reshape knowledge production and promote social justice agendas in various fields, including urban planning and mobility studies.

References

- Harding, S. (1987). Introduction, Is there a feminist method? En S. Harding (Ed.), Feminism & methodology: Social science issues (pp. 1-14). Indiana University Press

- Sánchez de Madariaga, I., & Zucchini, E. (2020). "Movilidad del cuidado" en Madrid: nuevos criterios para las políticas de transporte. Ciudad y territorio, 89-102.

Gender and Care: A Conceptual Approach to Care Mobility

The concept of care refers to the work performed by adult individuals for children, the elderly, people with illnesses or disabilities, and, in general, for the functioning of the home, community, or environment. This work can be paid, but mostly it is unpaid and has a significant feminization component, where historically it has not been considered as productive work; however, its importance lies in sustaining the workforce and has been invisibilized in society's economy.

The care economy is defined as the work performed and value created, primarily in the domestic sphere. Under this logic, and in order to consider its contribution to the national economy, Law 1413 of 2010 was enacted, which determines the need to include "the care economy in the national accounts system in order to measure women's contribution to the country's economic and social development and as a fundamental tool for the definition and implementation of public policies." The law defines the care economy as: "unpaid work carried out in the home, related to the maintenance of the household, care for other household or community members, and the maintenance of the paid workforce. This category of work is of fundamental economic importance in society." It also acknowledges that many individuals participate in the labor market with precarious conditions, leading to conflicts in managing care-related responsibilities.

Focused on unpaid domestic and care work, the law considers activities such as: Organization, distribution, and supervision of household tasks; food preparation; cleaning and maintenance of the home and belongings; laundry; childcare, education, and assistance with school tasks; care for the elderly and sick; shopping, payments, or household-related errands.; home repairs and community services and unpaid assistance to relatives, friends, and neighbors.

Similarly, globally, the burdens and gaps generated by the care economy are beginning to be recognized. In 2015, all United Nations member states signed the 2030 Agenda, where Goal 5 aims to "achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls."

Recognizing the achievement of this goal requires different actions and perspectives, leading to the establishment of 9 targets, where the fourth target states: "Recognize and value unpaid care and domestic work through the provision of public services, infrastructure, and social protection policies, and promote shared responsibility within the household and the family, as appropriate in each country." Thus, unpaid domestic and care work is identified as a facet of gender equity issues, acknowledging the need to generate strategies to recognize, redistribute, and professionalize care-related work.

Mobility and Gender: A Reflection from an Interdisciplinary Perspective

Mobility and gender are two categories that reveal social inequalities and invisibilities in mobility. However, when intersected, they show that mobility not only expresses inequality but also reproduces gender inequalities. This reflection becomes possible when analyzed from an interdisciplinary perspective that acknowledges the need to look beyond disciplinary boundaries. It is crucial for mobility studies and policymaking to incorporate a gender perspective because the invisibility of women has led to transportation planning that does not meet women's needs.

Gender and mobility constitute a dichotomy that has been underexplored in public policies, as they tend to focus on the dominant subject, in this case, men. However, mobility is a complex practice that, as a social phenomenon, allows us to understand not only physical movement and how it is regulated and conditioned through networks and infrastructures but also generates experiences and emotions. Moreover, mobility, as a constituent element of the city, contributes to reproducing inequalities, particularly gender inequalities.

Care Mobility: An Umbrella Concept

There is a type of mobility that is least studied, as very few cities contemplate conducting mobility surveys (which homogenize and view women as a homogeneous group) considering this umbrella concept to quantify and visualize the movements made by predominantly women for caregiving purposes and household care: care mobility. The concept of 'care mobility' was introduced by Inés Sánchez de Madariaga in 2009, identifying the need to differentially understand daily trips related to caregiving activities. This need arises from how mobility is planned in different cities, focusing on trips with origins and destinations related to work or study and residence. Therefore, movements associated with the care economy are often overlooked, assuming linear trips within predefined routes attributed to caregivers, who are predominantly women within the family.

From a gender perspective, analyzing modern urban planning and applying the concept of 'care' invites us to consider men's and women's lives. The concept encompasses all activities necessary for the maintenance and reproduction of life, which are generally unpaid, unequally distributed, and attributed to gender roles and norms (sexual division of labor), widening the gender gap as women continue to assume double and triple burdens of work, including caregiving tasks. These realities intersect with other factors such as age, race, among others, which can exacerbate discrimination.

It is here that transportation must ensure a minimum level of safety, comfort, and affordability, taking into account caregiving, household maintenance, and caregiving for individuals. Following transportation, city planning should review how to configure the necessary infrastructure and services for daily life (childcare, elderly care). Moreover, developing policies that improve mobility, with a gender and care perspective, has a direct impact on the entire population. Supporting public transportation systems, non-polluting modes of transportation, and transportation systems that enable women to engage in employment and household activities is crucial because caregiving tasks continue to be assigned to women and have not been adequately redistributed between men and women, despite policies developed in recent years.

Why Discuss Gender in the Context of Care Mobility?

When discussing the economy and care mobility, direct reference is made to caregiving roles, which, as shown in previous sections, have a differential cultural burden depending on whether they are performed by men or women. For example, in 2017, 89.4% of caregivers for people with disabilities requiring permanent assistance in their daily activities were women.

Other variables besides the gender of individuals must be considered to assess the depth of these inequities. While for individuals with higher education, the distribution of burdens is approximately for every hour men dedicate to unpaid care work, women dedicate 3 hours. For those without any educational level, the ratio is 1 hour for every 5 hours assigned to women. Another associated characteristic revealing the unequal burdens associated with caregiving roles is age: for those under 18, women perform 3 hours of unpaid care work for every 2 hours performed by men, while among those aged 18 to 44, women perform 3 hours for every 1 hour of men, and for those over 45, women perform 4 hours for every 1 hour of men.

In this way, among many others, the disparity in the burdens associated with caregiving roles for those who reproduce feminine versus masculine roles is evident, where the responsibility for caregiving disproportionately falls on women. Therefore, analyzing the impacts due to time devoted to caregiving cannot overlook the unequal burden borne by women.

Furthermore, understanding and visualizing care mobility have the potential to reduce gaps, as the omission of care mobility can lead to an increase in the inequality gaps generated by caregiving-related burdens. To develop caregiving trips and considering that mobility often disregards actors associated with caregiving, individuals make adaptations to their trips to meet their relevant parameters, often resulting in increased road risks, which opens up an analysis perspective of road safety, gender, and care mobility.

Finally, the possibility of having or not having access to the city, of guaranteeing the right to the city, lies in the capacity of those who plan mobility and urbanism to include the gender perspective and recognize care mobility. Care, therefore, becomes a motivator for trips. When these two categories are not taken into account as analytical categories for transportation and mobility planning, they limit people's ability to move and enjoy their surroundings, while also increasing the burdens already associated with the care economy.

References:

Gasper, Des. (2012) Interdisciplinarity Towards a complex ecology of ideas. Ambiente y sostenibilidad, 2, 3-34.

Pineda Javier (2024). El giro conceptual y la ética del cuidado. La Sociedad del Cuidado y Políticas de la Vida. CLACSO (in print).

Pineda, Javier (2011). La carga del trabajo de cuidado: distribución social y negociación familiar. En El trabajo y la ética del cuidado  (pp. 35-75), Luz Gabriela Arango; Pascale Molinier (Eds.). Medellín: La Carreta/Universidad Nacional de Colombia.

Congreso de Colombia (2010). Ley 1413 del 11 de noviembre de 2010, Por medio de la cual se regula la inclusión de la economía del cuidado en el sistema de cuentas nacionales con el objeto de medir la contribución de la mujer al desarrollo económico y social del país y como herramienta fundamental para la definición e implementación de políticas públicas. https://www.dane.gov.co/files/acerca/Normatividad/Ley1413_2010.pdf

United Nations. (n.d.). Igualdad de Género y Empoderamiento de la Mujer. Recuperado el 12 de febrero de 2024, de Objetivo 5: Lograr la igualdad entre los géneros y empoderar a todas las mujeres y las niñas: https://www.un.org/sustainabledevelopment/gender-equality/

UN Women - Latin America and the Caribbean. (n.d.). Reconocer, redistribuir y profesionalizar el trabajo de Cuidado. https://lac.unwomen.org/en/news-and-events/articles/2019/3/recognize-redistribute-and-professionalize-care-work

Sánchez de Madariaga, I., & Zucchini, E. (2020). "Movilidad del cuidado" en Madrid: nuevos criterios para las políticas de transporte. Ciudad y territorio, 89-102.

Secretaría Distrital de la Mujer. (13 de enero de 2020). Más mujeres en el sector del transporte = más equidad y mejor percepción de seguridad. https://omeg.sdmujer.gov.co/

Secretaría Distrital de la Mujer. (2019). Experiencias de las mujeres en el espacio y transporte público. Bogotá́: Boletín informativo de la Secretaría Distrital de la Mujer.

Secretaría Distrital de la Mujer. (2018). Valoración del trabajo doméstico y de cuidado no remunerado 2017. Obtenido de https://omeg.sdmujer.gov.co/