"While most men inhabit city streets without either explanation or apology, for women, the right to be in public is hard-won on an everyday basis."
— Romit Chowdhury
I recently came across the publication "City of Men. Masculinities and everyday morality on public transport" by Romit Chowdhury. This book aligns with the questions I constantly ask myself about the participation of men in urban dynamics and transportation planning, especially when it comes to incorporating a gender analysis. In this sense, Romit Chowdhury’s book becomes an essential read for exploring how masculinities influence the shaping of public urban spaces and how transportation, a domain traditionally dominated by men, reinforces gender and power hierarchies. Chowdhury not only examines the male presence in Kolkata’s public transport, but also raises critical questions about the invisibility of women’s experiences and how the very infrastructure can reproduce inequalities.
The introduction of "City of Men: Masculinities and Everyday Morality on Public Transport" establishes the fundamental context of the work, focusing on how men inhabit urban spaces, particularly those related to public transport. Romit Chowdhury begins this ethnographic study in Kolkata, India, describing how men fill and dominate the city's public spaces, from parks to bus stops and taxis, and how these dynamics contribute to a specific form of masculinity in the urban context. From the first pages, Chowdhury highlights that while men are omnipresent in public spaces, women must constantly earn their place, which underscores a clear gender inequality in the appropriation of space.
Chowdhury raises two key questions that will guide the rest of the book: In what ways do men inhabit the city’s spaces? And how does this inhabitation produce a gendered city? The premise that public transport, being male-dominated, contributes to the construction of a masculinized urban space is a very interesting idea that opens the door to a deep analysis of the relationship between gender, mobility, and urban space. The introduction presents the central argument clearly, but there is also a noticeable inclination toward the male focus which, although it is the objective of the study, could have been complemented by further consideration of the role and experience of women in these spaces.
One interesting aspect present from the beginning is the focus on public transport as a microcosm of urban life, where everyday interactions reflect and reproduce patriarchal power structures. The author also points out how mobility itself is seen as a masculine value, which places women in a position of relative immobility or limited mobility. However, a criticism that could be made of this section is that the analysis of power dynamics could have been introduced more explicitly. While the book promises to explore masculinities and how they form part of the urban fabric, the introduction focuses on male presence without fully addressing how these masculinities interact with other aspects of identity, such as class or ethnicity, which could have been developed further from the outset.
In the first chapter, ‘The Urban Landscape of Public Transport’, Chowdhury offers a historical and social context of public transport in Kolkata, tracing its evolution and the dynamics that define it today. Here, the author explores the intersection between transport and the labor and social configurations of the region. He highlights how public transport, especially in South Asian cities, is deeply masculinized. Work in the transport sector is not only dominated by men, but it is also associated with a certain image of masculinity, where the ability to navigate the chaos of the city and face environmental dangers becomes a central aspect of male identity.
Chowdhury's analysis in this chapter is highly valuable because it positions urban mobility as a determining factor in the formation of masculine identities. The ability of men to move freely through the city, while women often face restrictions, is a way of demonstrating and reinforcing their power in public space. However, a criticism of this approach is that the author could have explored further how this male mobility directly affects women who also rely on public transport. Although it is mentioned tangentially, the main focus remains on male experiences, leaving a gap in the analysis of how women navigate these same spaces, often under vulnerable conditions.
Chowdhury also provides a critical reading of urban policies and the power structures underlying the management of transportation in Kolkata. He notes how the urban middle classes often view public transport workers, mostly working-class men, as an “urban disorder.” These negative representations are essential for understanding the power hierarchies operating in the city, as they reinforce socioeconomic and gender inequalities. However, the author could have expanded this discussion by linking it to broader mobility policies that affect women and other marginalized groups. In summary, while the chapter provides a useful framework for understanding the relationship between transport and masculinity, it feels limited in terms of including other perspectives.
The second chapter focuses on “autorickshaws”, a key mode of transportation in Kolkata, and the social dynamics that emerge around this form of transport. Chowdhury presents autorickshaw drivers as key actors in the creation of sociable infrastructures, where interactions between drivers and passengers are often daily and repetitive, allowing for the formation of relationships beyond mere economic exchange. Through this analysis, the author shows how the autorickshaw space becomes a stage where masculinities are negotiated and reinforced.
A fascinating aspect of this chapter is how the author examines the “sociability” that arises in these transport spaces, suggesting that autorickshaws not only physically connect people but also facilitate the creation of social bonds between drivers, passengers, and the community at large. Chowdhury details how these interactions often reinforce class and gender hierarchies, as drivers are typically working-class men serving a middle-class clientele. While there is some solidarity and cooperation in these relationships, tensions are also evident, especially when passengers, mostly from higher classes, perceive the drivers as “uncivilized” or “dangerous.”
Despite the successes of the analysis, one of the weaknesses of this chapter is the lack of a deeper exploration of how women experience these spaces. Although it is briefly mentioned that women sometimes feel uncomfortable or unsafe in autorickshaws, the author does not delve into how these gender dynamics directly affect women’s mobility. Given that the author focuses primarily on male interactions, the opportunity to provide a more comprehensive view of how autorickshaws can be both inclusive and exclusionary spaces in terms of gender is missed.
This chapter is particularly interesting for my doctoral inquiry, as it demonstrates that infrastructure is not just a physical system that connects people; it is also a social space where gender identities are negotiated and reinforced. This means that the diverse experiences of users, particularly women, older adults, or caregivers, are not adequately considered, and they may face additional risks or limitations in these environments. By overlooking how gender, class, and race hierarchies influence mobility, infrastructures not only perpetuate these inequalities but also reinforce them. Transport spaces, far from being neutral, become arenas where power relations are negotiated and reproduced, demonstrating that infrastructure is not merely a technical matter but deeply social and political.
In the third chapter, ‘Unaccustomed Streets: Taxis’, Chowdhury shifts his focus to taxi drivers, many of whom are migrants from nearby states like Bihar and Jharkhand. Here, it is shown how migration and work in the informal transport sector impact identity and masculine experiences. Taxi drivers, being migrants in a large city, face unique challenges such as social isolation and economic precariousness, which shape their daily interactions and sense of masculinity.
Chowdhury’s analysis of the relationship between taxi drivers and the city is intriguing, as it highlights how drivers must constantly negotiate their place in the city, both in physical and social terms. Being away from their families and communities, these men develop a particular relationship with the urban space, where the city becomes both a place of work and one of danger and desire. The author touches on themes such as the vulnerability of drivers to urban violence and their exposure to sexuality and desire in the city, offering a complex view of how migrant men experience and manage their masculinity in these contexts.
While incidents of sexual harassment in taxis are briefly mentioned, the analysis does not delve into the broader implications of gender violence in these spaces. Although the focus on drivers is valuable, it would have been enriching to include a perspective that considers both the drivers and the female passengers, providing a more comprehensive analysis of gender interactions in public transport.
The fourth chapter, ‘Homosocial Trust: Traffic Police’, introduces a key concept: "homosocial trust." Chowdhury analyzes the relationships between public transport drivers and traffic police, suggesting that despite friction and conflict, there is a form of trust and understanding between them based on shared masculinity. This concept is innovative and provides a new lens for examining how men collaborate and support each other in regulating urban space.
Chowdhury's analysis of homosocial trust is solid and offers a deep understanding of power dynamics between men in public space. The author argues that traffic police, although often representing a form of state control, also understand the pressures and challenges faced by male drivers, which often leads to acts of complicity or leniency. These types of interactions, according to the author, reinforce gender hierarchies, as they are based on a tacit understanding of masculinity.
Finally, this book provides a critical and insightful examination of how masculinities are deeply embedded in urban transport systems and how these dynamics reinforce existing power structures. Romit Chowdhury offers a thorough exploration of the ways in which men inhabit public spaces, shaping not only the physical infrastructure but also the social interactions within these spaces. However, while the book effectively highlights male experiences, it leaves room for a more comprehensive inclusion of women’s perspectives and the broader intersectional dynamics at play. By addressing these gaps, future analyses could further contribute to a more equitable understanding of how urban transport infrastructure impacts all users, not just from a gendered lens but also considering class, race, and other social dimensions. Ultimately, Chowdhury’s work serves as a crucial reminder that mobility is not neutral; it is shaped by power, and equitable urban transport planning must take this into account.
